After all the debates that have taken place about what the profile of Pedro Sánchez's new government might be, the main feature of the new Spanish executive is its continuity with the previous one. Thus, those responsible for the most important areas of government are still at the helm: Nadia Calviño (deputy PM for economy), María Jesús Montero (deputy PM for treasury), Félix Bolaños (presidency ministry, adds justice), Margarita Robles (defence), José Manuel Albares (foreign affairs) and Fernando Grande-Marlaska (interior). Even the last named, embroiled in numerous controversies and with the police and Civil Guard clearly against him, continues against all odds.
Sánchez sends two different messages: he rewards his hard core at a time when he is ready to face what will be the most difficult period of his stay in the Moncloa palace and, secondly, he resists pressure from different groups, also from the interior of the Socialist (PSOE) party itself, putting an end to cabals of any kind that might exist. Although this first circle remains in place, it is obvious that there has also been some awarding of prizes, even if they are poisoned: the all-powerful Bolaños will struggle, being also responsible for justice, with the amnesty law, which will be, as we are seeing, the main focus of the struggle with the right, amid political, media and public tension that has few precedents.
The second characteristic of the Sánchez government is the continuity of the so-called "Catalan quota". Although, at first sight, it may seem that the Catalan Socialists (PSC) have less weight after losing a minister, this is too superficial a reading. In the thinking of the PSC there were three objectives in this negotiation. The first was to avoid that, as a result of the investiture agreements, Jaume Collboni would end up losing the mayoralty of Barcelona. This would have been difficult, but not impossible, as pacts sometimes carry bitter consequences. But it hasn't happened and even Together for Catalonia (Junts), and mayoral candidate Xavier Trias in particular, has always opposed Barcelona being used as a bargaining chip.
For the PSC it was also important that Salvador Illa keep intact the chances of winning the Catalan elections scheduled for February 2025 if they are not brought forward. That the political narrative of the agreement with Junts and the Republican Left (ERC) should be that of "reconciliation" and of reduced political tension in Catalonia. Both of these are arguments that help first secretary Illa to position itself in the central space, as observed in the latest CEO surveys and in the past municipal and Spanish elections.
There was one last goal: not to have a ministry that would burden it electorally and this was the portfolio of transport and sustainable mobility, which until now was occupied by Raquel Sánchez, former mayor of Gavà. With the transfer of the Rodalies rail services agreed with ERC, it was a real hot potato for the PSC, which would inevitably be caught in the crossfire of arguments that will be complex and with uncertain future. Better, for this, a colleague from distant Valladolid who has fought a thousand battles like Óscar Puente, who will leave his Catalan Socialists covered.
In exchange, the Catalans get industry, a friendly ministry, which will be occupied by the former Barcelona mayor Jordi Hereu and will help Illa strengthen his relations with Catalan companies and act as a bridge to Madrid, something that is always very valuable for the business sector, and that Illa has always prioritized: you only need to see the weight of Catalans in public companies or those with state shareholdings. In this context, losing the culture and sports folders, held up till now by Miquel Iceta, was not a problem either, since the ministry, which has also lost sports, has given the party little luster in recent years.
The final headline, no less striking for being expected, is the departure of Podemos from the Spanish government. A risky move, since the alternative left party, with five deputies, could become an added factor of instability in an already very complicated legislature. Deputy prime minister Yolanda Díaz is getting her way in not only the political aspect but also, without a doubt, personally. No one will compete from the staunchly left part of the spectrum with her, leaving Sumar as the only benchmark. It remains to be seen if this is short-term gain for long-term pain, as could easily be predicted, or, on the contrary, the way to definitively put an end to Podemos and all that its emergence into Spanish political life has entailed.